All efforts of Serbia to reach a peaceful agreement with Muslim Albanian leaders in Old Serbia before the First Balkan War had ended in failure. The position of Christian Orthodox Serbs, who accounted for a half of the population at the end of the nineteenth century, was dramatically aggravated due to Muslim Albanians' tribal anarchy, Austria-Hungary's pro-Albanian agitation and, after 1908, frequent Albanian rebellions. The religious antagonism between Muslims and Christians expanded into national conflict after the 1878 Albanian League had claimed the entire “Old Serbia for Greater Albania”. Old Serbia (from 1877 onwards the vilayet of Kosovo) was dominated by local Albanian pashas, whereas the Christian Orthodox Serbs and their villages were attacked and pillaged by Muslim Albanian brigands. Yet, many such works have become standard and wide-spread, albeit stereotyped, perception of the Serbs and their history in the Balkans.Ībstract: After the restoration of Serbia in 1830, the areas of medieval Serbia left out of her borders were dubbed Old Serbia – Kosovo, Metohija, Rascia (the former sanjak of Novi Pazar and the neighbouring areas). Many controversial interpretations (Noel Malcolm, Holm Sundhaussen, Tim Judah, James Gow, Robert Donia, Branimir Anzulovic, Stjepan Meštrović, Philip Cohen, Marcus Tanner, Sabrina Ramet etc.), have been designed to support some immediate political goals or geopolitical claims and have little to do with scholarship and intellectual rigour. Such approach, fostered by some scholars from the former Yugoslavia, chime perfectly with the old stereotypes inherited from Austrian and German historiography on Kriegsschuldfrage which have found their way into American historiography in the post-1945 period. This simplistic and biased perception of the Serbs as endemic nationalists, communists and anti-Europeans, allegedly keen on establishing complete hegemony over other nations and minorities in Yugoslavia, has reappeared since 1991 not only in mass media but also in much of Western scholarship, strongly influenced by a black-and-white perspective on the dissolution of Yugoslavia. These writings are often compatible with Albanian historiography produced under the Stalinist regime of Enver Hoxha. This contribution looks at the ideological and nationalistic writings on “Greater Serbia”, “Greater Serbian nationalists”, “Serbian hegemony” produced by Croatian nationalists in interwar Yugoslavia and by Croatian Second World War émigrés, who were markedly anti-Yugoslav both in the monarchic and communist period and whose perspective has gained ground in Western Europe and the USA. Reading through historical studies on Serbs and Serbia written during and after the wars of the Yugoslav succession (1991–1999) reveals many elements of a biased, one-sided narrative derived from various sources. Second, by studying ORJUNA, HANAO and SRNAO comparatively I want to identify and categorise main features of these movements which would allow for a greater insight in the question of transfer of ideas and influences between them.Ībstract. First, I hope that this thesis will provide an answer as to why these three movements never moved from the stage of initial grassroots organisations, although they certainly had the potential to do so. Thus, the main aim of my research is twofold. All three movements faced different problems in main aspects of their functions, and a combination of previously mentioned factors led to their abolishment in 1929. My argument is that these movements never achieved the status of their fascist counterparts in Italy because they either depended on other political organisations for support, were under the attack of the regime because of their violent actions, or they failed because of their own proclaimed ideological goals. These movements are also important as they represent three different national projects, which were competing within a single state. The main aim is to see why these movements, although with a significant membership, strong internal organisation and ties in with different movements and parties never managed to obtain state power within this period, and were subsequently aborted by the regime. This thesis deals with three different radical right movements in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in the period between 19.
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